What is democracy? The answer given by civics textbooks and constitutional law treatises has the merit of being simple.
Carl von Clausewitz’s formula that war is the continuation of politics by other means is reinforced in the 21st century by geoeconomics, where supply chains, promising technologies and control over financial and other assets simply compel decision
On March 12th, 1992, a light-rail trolley train in service of the Gothenburg, Sweden mass-transit system, got stuck without power at the top of a hill.
We Russians don't need Ukraine. Christ needs it. And that is why we are there.
Three options are being discussed at the top right now:
In the pages of Foreign Affairs, the indefatigable Robert Kagan recently weighed in with yet another fervent appeal on behalf of empire. Ever the true-blue American, Kagan avoids using the offensive E-word, of course.
With the onset of Russia’s vast military operation on the territory of Ukraine, the whole world entered a decisive phase of its history.
Wokeism has been described by its critics as the omnipresent use of race—and to a lesser extent, gender—to replace meritocracy and thus ensure equality of result.
Max Weber argued that “power is the likelihood that one actor within social relations will be able to achieve his goal despite opposition” 1… In his book Economy and Society, Weber identifies three types of domination.
In Dugin’s analysis, liberalism tends to self-abolition in nihilism, and is able to counteract this fate — if only temporarily — by defining itself against a concrete enemy. Without the war against illiberalism, liberalism reverts to being nothing at all, a free-floating negation without purpose. Therefore, the impending war on Russia is a requirement of liberalism’s intrinsic cultural process. It is a flight from nihilism, which is to say: the history of nihilism propels it.