Federalism in Ukraine and Way Toward Peace

The Federal system can serve to find a solution to the problems of Ukraine. Nevertheless, it did not experience enough constitutional change, as requires other changes. They will be developed in the proceeding lines.

1.1.        Object of action.

First of all, the object of action in this dissertation is the people who are in the conflict zone of Donbass, to end the bloodletting, the deaths, injuries and destruction. And the second object of action is the people from all over Ukraine, in order to find peace and security in a country without conflicts, and without the problems that beset it.

1.2.        Objective of change.

The first objective of change in this dissertation is the creation of agreements in the peace process, to stop and to end the conflict in Donbass, and then to settle upon a federal political system, which serves as a clear and trustworthy base, and which also provides freedom and equality for all Ukrainians. Finally, my hope is that these proposals -to build a new political system- will serve also as a basis to create the desired prosperity – to end the political corruption that has dragged the whole society into this unfortunate situation; and for the latter purpose, the change must begin in every single person.

2.     INSTITUTIONS AND VALUES.

The Institutions establish a framework and may encourage certain behaviours, but the values are what sustain the systems: The values presented by politicians and citizens.

2.1.        Institutions.

Institutions establish a stable framework for action, both citizens who vote for politicians, and politicians who manage political institutions. However, Institutions are tools and dependent variables; so we must find the hands that handle this tool to discover the cause of the ills in Ukraine.

2.2.        Values.

Here is where the problems of the Ukrainian institutions lie: in their lack of values, and the lack of implementation of values that were established in the laws. Reality does not exist in the words promulgated. Here is where the problems start, and not exclusively in a matter of policy, because problems are the consequence of society. Politicians are a reflection of a certain society, so, people should initiate the political change.

If all people strive for the common good, to end corruption, to be valiant and efficient in jobs, to create harmony where there is discord, and intervene as many times as they can in political affairs. It is the strength of a people, which can force a change in policy: Strong and participatory citizens are the key. There are no messiahs, there should only be people.

3.     REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION

3.1.        Federal organization.

I propose the transformation of the current Ukrainian unitary State into a Federal System, whereby: Ukraine would be composed by 4 Federal Regions (West, Center, East and South) and 1 Federal City (Kiev). These federal subjects get adjusted to Ukraine’s history. In this way, there would be 4 Federal Regions with similar size and population, and 1 Federal City. So, it is possible to create a Federal Senate composed of 13 members: 3 from each region (3x4=12) and 1 in the Federal city, in all, 13 federal senators. Thus, Ukaine would have three political levels: Federal, Regional and Local. At this point, I must note that, for me, political institutions can represent a larger or smaller number of people, but any attack from one institution to another, is an attack of some people against others, and this constitutes a lack of solidarity and even, despotism.

In this way, I understand that this proposal would be consistent with the idiosyncrasies of all Ukrainian territory, which is in no way homogeneous. But, on the other hand, I don’t understand how differences would carry a negative value among the European peoples, and why because of this, we must continue the Jacobin policy of creating national-states as if we were the bourgeoisie of the nineteenth century. Cultural differences in Europe are not a sin, but a blessing that has been systematically attacked by materialist ideologies of the nineteenth century onwards.

Thus, the Central Federal Region would match with the original Ukraine, the South Federal Region would correspond to the territory conquered by the Russian Empire (in 18^th century) with the help of Cossacks, the Western Federal Region would correspond to the area most influenced by center-european kingdoms, and the East Federal Region would correspond to the area of Don Cossacks, which also is very influenced by Russia and inhabited by many Russians. Finally, the Federal City of Kiev would have this honour in recognition of its historical character, and also, as an area of high population density.

Up until here, I have defined the regional level, regarding the federal power. Now, I will address the question of the structure of regional political institutions. I understand that each federal region would have a Parliament of 100 seats and a Regional President elected by the citizens; for its part, the Federal City, as local level coincides with the regional, would have a single assembly composed of 30 seats, but, the mayor would be elected by the citizens.

3.2.         Federal electoral system.

After presenting the proposal, I must specify all points to offer a credible and functional project. So, now I will explain the magnitude of seats and the way of choosing these political institutions.

Each Federal Region showing the character of equality between them will elect three senators and the Federal City will elect 1 senator. So, I understand that a Federal Senate composed by 13 representatives is enough to initiate the chamber of territorial representation of the new Ukraine.

One part would be the chamber of citizen representation (Verkhovna Rada) and I understand that circumscription there should be unique for all Ukraine. To force, in this way, a political strategy across Ukraine and not to seek support in a concrete way and forget the rest.

 

The duration of mandates may be 4 years[1], and elections to the Ukrainian institutions will be in different years (not all at the same time, but, this will be explained after). Thus, with a legislature of 4 years, there would be an election each year in different institutional levels[2].

The federal regional electoral system will consist of simultaneous elections for the unicameral regional assembly and the regional presidency. In the case of the Federal City, local elections were never held by the coincidences of circumscriptions.

4.     THE WAY TO PEACE[3].

4.1.         Creating peace.

This objective is simple to explain and hard to build: Create a path towards peace, first in the Donbass and after in the rest of Ukraine. To do this, everything must be progressive, creating the conditions for peace through reconstruction of confidence between people and governments, while rebuilding the areas devastated by war.

§   Special zone of Donbass.

The armed conflict is there. It is not going to be solved if it is ignored. It must be supported in full, and for this to work everybody must learn to build and compromise. Thus, if the federal project will start in Ukraine, Donbass (oblasts of Donetsk and Lugansk) would need to be established as a “Special Zone” in order to propose a concrete deal aimed at the ending of the conflict and to ensure that conditions, which can potentially start another conflict, are removed. This cannot be done by force, but by understanding Ukraine’s reality.

§   Peacekeeping Operations.

In other parts of the world, where conflicts and wars have taken place, peacekeeping operations have been initiated by international forces. That took place because these operations are theoretically impartial; they are only concerned with maintaining and ensuring conditions for peace. In spite of these operations it was not always useful for making peace, and what could be the better option to Donbass is its own process for carrying out the peace process. So, I am going to develop it in these lines.

4.1..1.                     Withdrawal of all military forces.

This point is fundamental and common to all peace operations. If there are no military forces in the area, in theory, there will be no fighting. Therefore, the first thing is to establish a safe corridor between two sides, and to have an impartial force to ensure border peace.

Secondly, all military forces should withdraw simultaneously and the empty space must be occupied by more peacekeepers, who will be in charge of police duties while conducting the peace process. The withdrawal of Ukrainian troops will reach the administrative border of Donetsk and Lugansk oblast; and the withdrawal of Novorossia’s militias must reach (but not cross) the Russian border. In both cases, the vacating military forces should focus on specific areas and known areas to both sides, and they should be controlled by the peacekeeping force. So, both sides would know where their troops are and where the rival troops are. Furthermore, the peacekeeping force has a duty to warn both sides when they make an unauthorized movement of troops on those bases for withdrawal.

4.1..2.                     Establishing a peacekeeping force.

As I stated in the previous point, the first task is to form a peacekeeping force that performs the policemen’s work, while the peace process is performed. Now, you will ask yourselves: What peacekeeping force? Who will provide the forces, who will pay their salaries and who will provide them the necessary resources?

I think these key questions have their answer in the creation of the Peacekeeping Force for Donbass (PFD), consisting of the Belarusian military, because I understand that Belarus would be the most impartial[4], having closer historical ties with Ukraine and Russia.

Similarly, the peacekeepers could come from the military forces of other neighboring States which aim to garner a peaceful resolution, like Spain, whose army has gained a great international reputation for its peacekeeping activities since 1989.

In any case, regardless of the origin of the peacekeepers, the second problem is: who pays the salaries and provides materials to the peacekeeping force? As the Donbass is divided in two zones, which we can call east and west; in my opinion, the expenses of the west zone should pay Ukraine[5], and the expenses of the east zone should pay Russia[6].

4.1..3.                     Authority of Vigilance and Control.

Mutually sincere communication and cooperation is the basis for building trust to hold the peace process. Therefore, I propose the creation of an Institution, an Authority of Vigilance and Control (AVC), to monitor and control the steps of the peace process. I further propose the creation of a tripartite committee between the Popular Republics[7], the Ukrainian Government and the Peacekeeping Force.

This body would be composed of 8 full members and 8 observer members, as follows:

§  Full members: 2 delegates from the Popular Republics, one designated in the DPR and another designated in LPR. 2 Ukrainian delegates, one for Donetsk oblast and one for Lugansk oblast, the choices are made by the Ukrainian government which proposes 2 candidates to be elected by absolute majority in the Verkhovna Rada or directly proposed and elected by simple majority in Verkhovna Rada. And 4 delegates of the peacekeeping force, of which 2 will be allocated in the eastern zone, and another 2 allocated in the western zone. In each zone, 1 must go to the Donetsk Oblast and 1 to the Lugansk Oblast. And their choice comes from a military order of peacekeepers, because they are militaries and they have a hierarchy of commandment. The aim of these 8 delegates is to take decisions by an absolute majority (although unanimous decisions would be more suitable), on measures to take in the peace process and they must always be symmetrical.

§  Observer members: From the west (European Union) and from the East (Russian Federation) should designate 4 delegates each, and composed in the same manner, i.e. 4 representatives of the peacekeeping force. The aim of the observer members is to inform all full members of the development of the peace process or suggest the proper steps to take.

4.1..4.                     The long way: Creating confidence.

To be honest, trust is like virginity; when it is lost, it will never return. Even so, there is still a possibility of regaining confidence by means of a constant and sincere working relationship among its many parts. Only in this way can one rebuild confidence.

 

Why do I value confidence as an important element in the peace process? Simply because confidence is the foundation of all relationships. No couple can feel appreciated or mutually loved without having a sense of confidence. Therefore, to make a successful peace process, all the efforts of both sides must aim to create the necessary mutual confidence.

4.1..5.                     Without peace, there is no future.

If the peace process fails, it will not establish the necessary conditions for a peaceful and prosperous population in either the Donbass or the rest of Ukraine. Without peace, there is no future, because there will be a divided Ukraine and many Ukrainians will be exiled. It will always be a fractured country.

4.2.        Political Base.

About the current Ukrainian State it is said that it is a failed state, which is harmful for the society for various reasons. First, people cannot have a normal life; they cannot have normalcy living within a context of uncertainty and instability. Second, it is a failed State, therefore society cannot develop, and institutions are not consolidated. This is because politics and the State are limited to be the arms with whom oligarchies pillage the country and never come to meet their natural functions, which is to lead and manage the country’s resources in the pursuit of social and economic prosperity[8]. And thirdly, a failed State is always doomed to destruction.

For these reasons, I believe that it is important for this system to have a stable and fair base. A fair base must exist within the entire political system. Finally, I must add here other values, which are found in great works: Patience and perseverance. Maybe the results cannot be seen in a day, but day by day we can appreciate the results of a job well done; this would be like taking care trees, results appear after much time has elapsed, but all of your care will be seen someday. And in political systems the same is true; this is a distance race, not a fast race.

4.3.        Development.

In logical continuation to the previous point, if we have the institutions and values, and the process of peace, we must seek the development of the normal functioning of political institutions, without alterations or interruptions due to any kind of interference. I refer in this respect to the oligarchies, which spread corruption throughout the polity, and afterward they proceed to trash the entire society with more corruption. Citizens should know their responsibilities and what responsibilities they have to demand of their politicians. The oligarchy and corruption will not disappear by their own will, but they will fall by the force of the people who understand their reciprocal duties and the overall legacy which they are leaving for their descendants.

So, if today there is no political effort and struggle made by the people, then a country with a worthy legacy can never exist. If Ukrainians do not try today, existence of their country will always be questioned, it will be a weak country, controlled by manipulative, selfish and thieving elites. And worst of all, it will be an abandoned country because its people will emigrate instead of strive to create a future better without the yoke that grips them today.

4.4.         Own sovereignty.

Another typical aspect in failed states is the lack of their own sovereignty. Their people are not sovereign, and the oligarchy that commands is in the service of foreign powers. The sovereignty, the values and the livelihood of the political system, come from the same place: The people. All Ukrainians are needed for this work; whereas the oligarchy is the destroyer of popular sovereignty.

Once the people are sovereign and responsible for themselves, institutions will be able to ensure the welfare of all Ukrainians. This is the first part in achieving sovereignty, since in today’s world, no State can assert itself, and everyone needs partners in the world. Here, the Ukrainian people should choose reason and not wild passion.

Thus, partners are needed in the world, but the world is made of strong States which seek for themselves what they tend to deny to weak States. Therefore, the sovereignty of the Ukrainian people is even more important because, if they are strong and they country is strong, they will cease to be pushed around by foreign countries. Moreover, this could be the first great example of another possible world – one which turns its back on war games and foreign influence.

4.5.        Equality of Ukrainians.

Let us now mention another point which is a topic of great conflict in Ukraine, at least since 1991. Looking from the perspective of the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union, the Ukrainian territory and latter State, received huge extensions of land and people who lived there.

 

Russians in the east and south; Poles, Hungarians and Romanians in the west. There are many ethnicities in the Ukrainian State which left the Soviet Union[9] in 1991. Why have the leaders of the Ukrainian State (since 1991) gone to great lengths to create a nation-state in the nineteenth-century bourgeois style of Western Europe? More specifically: Why have those leaders wanted to create a nation-state that destroys everything which comes out of the cultural planning of those leaders? The result of the homogenizing policy from Kiev, has been the flight of Crimea (which had already tried in 1991-1994) as well as the oblasts of Donbass.

I will tell you a secret (which is really not so secret): when a state tries to impose a uniform version for all the people, do you know who is the first victim? The same culture that is trying to impose itself on others, because this culture is denied the right to be intrinsically its own. The Ukrainian culture is believed to be unique, and must be imposed throughout the territory of the Ukrainian State. Thus, the first victim of the “Ukrainization” is the Ukraine itself. About this, we know much in Spain, when some governments tried to impose the Castilian language, the first victim was Castilla, and, when others tried to impose their own regionalism, such as in Catalonia and Galicia, the first victim were their own regions, in which was denied the diverse and deep rooted character, and imposed a falsehood as a common element. And, Do you know what there are in common with all those impostors? In which the only thing they care about is getting power, no matter the cost, they play with the same people that they assure to love. To my disgrace, I see the same in Ukraine.

What would be the solution to this serious problem? Simply, no government, individual or political groups, can impose or threaten with imposing the objective of persecuting certain parts in Ukraine. To do this, it all starts with the appreciation of what really Ukrainians, and what there is in Ukraine. Every culture is a precious treasure that cultivates and leaves as a legacy to future generations. Cultures are not a nuisance, the culture is our identity; it is what makes us unique. But materialist despots see the culture only like a hindrance to mold in their own will, and transform it in the myth that sustains this regime of lies.

4.6.        Electronic voting and referendums.

Electronic voting is useful to reduce costs and make the electoral process much faster and, in theory, more exact the electoral count. Although the manipulation of electronic voting and voting ballot is equally possible. In the short term, electronic voting can be expensive to buy and establish the computer equipment and system security that should be done and distributed throughout the country. However, the establishment of electronic voting in the medium and long term, is more cheaper in production costs, counting and destruction of ballots; besides, electronic voting facilitate the convening of referendums by any institutional level on matter within its competence.

5.     NECESSARY CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES.

All constitutional changes are necessary to implement and sustain the changes. Now I am going to develop them, but I am not going to deal on legal procedures but the results to reach.

5.1.        Establishment of the Federation.

First, we should establish a federal organization with the 4+1 (4 Federal Regions and 1 Federal City). Specifying names, and limiting them territorially. As we saw: Federal Regions, West, Central, East, and South, and the Federal City of Kiev.

5.2.        Clarifying the institutional levels.

Secondly, there must be established three institutional levels: Federal, Regional and Local. Each one, with its own division of powers, in the east, with its own executive and legislative power, and also, with its levels in the scale of Ukrainian judicial power. As well, the federal level for the whole Ukraine is the Verkhovna Rada and the Federal Senate as legislative power, and President of Ukraine as executive power. Each federal subject has his own Unicameral Parliament and its Regional President; and after the Local level with his local assembly elections and the direct election of the mayor.

5.3.         Distribution of Powers.

First, I understand that it is necessary the establishment of a logic to the distribution of powers between the different levels. Thus, we could use this logic for other cases and this will not be an “ad hoc” case. Then, it can set the rule that: Federal jurisdiction, which affects the whole territory or supposes an international action; and it is jurisdiction of the federal subjects, which only affects its own territory.

Thus, I am going to establish an outline of competencial distribution in the project of Ukrainian Federation.

§   Exclusive competences of the Federation:

§  Political institutions (legislative and executive) and the Federal Administration and Staff regulation.

§  Judicial institutions and the administration necessary for its good working.

§  Land borders, airspace and territorial sea, exclusive economic zone and continental shelf.

§  Federal Police, Army, purchase and sale of weapons, ammunition and military equipment.

§  Federal budgets and general economic project, customs and excise, the monetary system (currency exchange, issuing money).

§  International Relations, foreign policy, international treaties, foreign trade.

§  Identification documents for national and foreigners in Ukraine and issuing of Passports.

§   Competencies-Framework[10]:

§  Rights, freedoms and duties of citizens and foreigners.

§  Rights legislation: Criminal, Civil, Commercial, Administrative litigation.

§  Environment and natural resources.

§  Public Works, infrastructure and power plants.

§  Health services and social protection.

§  Education, Culture, Research and Tourism.

§   Exclusive powers of the federal subjects:

§  Political institutions (legislative and executive), and the creation of administrative institutions that they deem necessary.

§  Creation and management of a regional police, which will support the functions of the federal police.

§  Regulating the use of existing languages in federal subjects, different of Ukrainian, and in any case, all languages will public spaces and their learning will be offered in the educational system of the federal subjects.

§  Cultural and tourist promotion and scientific research in the area of federal subject.

§  Request from federal subjects to federal level for making, checking or abolishing a law in a concrete topic.

§  Free assignation of budget in the matters within its competence.

§   Exclusive powers of the municipalities:

§  Political institutions (legislative and executive), and the creation of administrative institutions that they deem necessary.

§  Request from municipalities to their own federal subjects for making, checking or abolishing a law in a concrete topic.

§  Free assignation of budget in the matters within its competence.

§   Shared competence:

§  The tax system and economic Independence. This system can operate as follows: All taxes collected, go to the same fund (for all Ukraine) and then distributing in this way:

o   For the Federation: 30% of the budget.

o   For the Federal Subjects: 40% of the budget, to deliver depending on the population of each Federal Subject.

o   For Municipalities: 30% of the budget, to deliver also depending on their population.

§   Competences not assigned:

Competences not allocated, will be assigned in a competition framework.

5.4.         Legal principles.

The legal principles mark us the binding values on the subjects of law, that here those principles will be political principles. At this point, I am going to make a list and definition of values that could be legal principles in Ukrainian politics.

§  Equality: Legal and Real equality of all Ukrainians, everyone is equal and no one is better or worse than others.

§  Respect: Respect the dignity of all Ukrainian citizens, both citizens and institutions.

§  Friendliness: To avoid the confrontation, and seek the cordiality between citizens and institutions mutually.

§  Solidarity: Mutual solidarity among all Ukrainians. All Ukrainians and their institutions must worry and care for themselves reciprocally.

§  Welfare: Both citizens and political institutions should aim to achieve well-being for themselves and their citizens.

§  Exemplarity: First, exemplarity of politicians to citizens. Politicians must be the best example of effort and honesty. Second, citizens must also be that example, and if politicians are not exemplar, people must require that exemplarity from the politicians.

§  Hierarchy: There are higher laws and lower laws, being in this order from top to bottom: Constitution, federal laws, laws of the federal subjects, laws of municipalities. Thus, the lower laws cannot contradict the superior, and if it occurs, it would be expelled from the legal system by the competent court.

§  Competence: The competences assigned exclusively to an institutional level, cannot be regulated by another level. Neither the federation or any other federal subject or municipality. And the competent court must regulate this. Although a federal subject could approve a temporary law in a competence-framework, in case of Federation had not made a law.

6.     START-UP AND FUNCTIONING OF THE FEDERAL SYSTEM.

Here I will exemplify the functioning of the system with all that is was said previously, to be clearly see and understand the values and institutions that I think as a good option for Ukraine to have a prosperous future, in addition to the peace process in the Donbass.

First, it must be undertaken the process of peace. Without that, there is no real possibility to undertake political, social and economic changes throughout Ukraine. So, this one is the first and necessary step, if the peace process is not actually started, neither can start the process of political change.

But, if we assume that the peace process will begin now, and the sides will put good faith to end peacefully the conflict, it will begin to discuss how to start the new system under name of Ukrainian Federation, but in a spirit of carrying out further necessary and positive transformation.

Thus, it would have convened a constituent assembly elections, and the Verkhova Rada[11] which would be elected, it will create a project of federal constitution[12]. The constitution must be submitted to the referendum and must be approved by at least of 55% of all citizens eligible to vote. If it is not approved, the Verkhovna Rada must reform the project, taking further demands and needs of Ukrainians. It would submit to referendum again, and would be approved by 55% of Ukrainians. It fails again, it would be presented a system of national opinion polls to ask for what Ukrainians want and make another constitutional project and after submit it to referendum.

Once approved, the process should continue. With the constitution approved by the Ukrainians, will immediately launch the election at federal level, in order to compose the new federal presidencies and federal assemblies, and in this path, it can start the adoption of exclusive competences and make its part in the exhaustive regulation of competences-framework.

 

PROPOSED TIMELINE
YEAR	ACTIVITY
2015	Constituent elections in the Verkhovna Rada. Creation and approval of the constitution.
2016	Elections in the Federal Subjects. Elections to the Federal Senate.
2017	Elections for the Federal President.
2018	Local elections.
Start of normal functioning of the system.
2019	Elections to the Verkhovna Rada and Federal Senate.
2020	Elections to the Federal Subjects.
2021	Election to the Federal President.
2022	Local Elections.
Regularity of the system, with elections every 4 years.
2023	Elections to the Verkhovna Rada and Federal Senate.
2024	Elections to the Federal Subjects.
2025	Election to the Federal President.
2026	Local Elections.

7.     CONCLUSIONS.

This is definitely the hardest part. What can be concluded? Well, this work presents a series of proposals that seek to create peace in Ukraine, as well as the establishment of a just political system, which deals with equality and respect for all Ukrainians, and is able to provide a prosperous and peaceful future for all Ukrainians.

To carry out these changes, as necessary as urgent, can only be done through hard work by all sides in the conflict. In addition, the people of Ukraine must take their place, claiming a just politics, and verify that the promises, are accomplished facts. Remember the Cossacks who are very revered in Ukraine, if they were free, it was because they were a community formed by people dedicated to political affairs, and also they looked for the common good, and were not isolated individuals who are led by foreign trends and sustained oligarchs who talked about patriotism while executing the biggest robberies against all Ukrainians.

I must also say that I don’t know how useful may have what is written here. Just I understand that it is the duty of every European, that we must ensure the peace and the brotherhood of all Europeans. We must resolve conflicts peacefully, but without falling into suicide pacifism; weapons must be prepared to fight against the real enemies of Europeans and not to fight against brothers. Still fresh in memory is Yugoslavia’s war, and a similar situation and the same mistakes are happening in Ukraine.

 

I guess also that will come much critics telling that a Spaniard doesn’t know what is really happening in Ukraine. It could be true. But it could also be false, because in Spain we have always lived in a permanent conflict. Our twentieth century is not very different from Ukraine. We had wars, dictatorships, rise and fall of different regimes. Any Spaniard knows very well the problems that exist in Ukraine, because in Spain we have a majority of population that is the most selfish and individualistic, allowing the corrupt government and greedy oligarchy, and also allow or encourage the creation of a false and twisted image what Spain is. We had a transition from the last dictatorship to a supposed democracy; many people say that transition was exemplary, I think that it was not absolutely exemplary, many important issues were left unresolved, as was the idea of Spain as a living country and common project of all its peoples; and lack of genuine popular community, and with greedy politicians, now we have constant crisis in which is risen the question, what is Spain? For all this, yes, in Spain we know very well what is happening in Ukraine, we know the price of things badly done since longer time than Ukraine.

Finally, I invite all Ukrainians to have a thought on whether it is worthwhile to think about peace, to think about a better future, to think about being citizens of a just community where all Ukrainians take care mutually. Think on it, everybody, if getting this tremendous achievement has enough value to leave behind all the insults and aggressive actions. And if it does, then move toward the future, from east to west, where everybody is eager for equally.

8.     EPILOGUE.

Antonio Machado, Spanish poet of the 20th century, wrote a speech in the early months of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), of which I emphasize this paragraph[13] that speaks of and old expression and its origin comes from the ancient laws of Castilla, and it continues being a simple and understandable knowledge, which should never forget:

“Nobody is more than anyone”, says and adage of Castilla. Perfect expression of modesty and pride! Yes, “nobody is more than anyone” because to nobody is given to outdo everyone, since in all there are somebody who wins, in circumstances of place and time. “Nobody is more than anyone”, because –and this is the deepest sense of the phrase-, however much it worth a man, shall never a value higher than the value of being human. Thus speaks Castilla, a people of lords, who has always despised the toff.