Facing new elections in a corrupt and impoverished Spain


The deadline for the negotiations on some kind of pact to obtain a majority that will be enough in parliament to make up a government is very close - the 3rd May. Spanish political forces seem resigned to celebrate the new elections. The King will open a new round of consultations with the parties on the 25th and 26th of April to “assess” if he can propose a candidate for the Presidency of the government “who has the necessary support” to be appointed or, on the contrary, if new elections will be required. 

Thus, after the facelift of the regime that was victorious in the last electoral process held in Spain on 20th December, and the emergence of new political forces promising the total regeneration of the political system (if not its reestablishment or liquidation), we are currently witnessing the staging of frustrated public exchanges between the political parties. Do you want democracy? Well, here are two cups.

In any case, so far the only observable change is that the center of attention, which before was exclusive to the two main forces of the Great Party of the bourgeoisie (the Partido Popular and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español) and the overrepresented separatist formations (formerly nominally "nationalists"), is now also shared with the two parties that, with great force, stormed Spanish parliament in the last election: Podemos and Ciudadanos.

However, it seems that neither the old parties (PP and PSOE, real criminal structures, evidenced by the history of permanent corruption that started over forty years ago), nor the new political forces (Ciudadanos and Podemos, with its promise of total regeneration of the political system) have been able to come to an agreement that, for the public, allows them to appear as the guarantors of governance, suffering the least damage to their respective “parishes”.

In the end, it matters very little. Apparently, in recipes so far proposed by some and by others, it seems clear that the regime will not follow any new guidance, but there will be "more of the same", as a minimum, when they are not directly consolidating and deepening the perverse political, social, and economic processes already underway. Many of these processes, as is well known, are no longer dependent on what can be decided in the Spanish Parliament, but are part of the directives, programs, and guidelines that are promoted worldwide by the main centers of globalist power.

Meanwhile, perhaps to keep public opinion stimulated and to strengthen the image of political regeneration and trust in institutions, the Spaniards were able to attend various operations against corruption that coincided with the "Panama Papers" scandal and the leaking of famous names related to the case (e.g. Infanta Pilar de Borbon, aunt of the current king, and sister of former king, Juan Carlos I; Minister of industry, Juan Manuel Soria, who resigned from all his positions; the second former vice-president of the government, former Minister of economy between 1996 and 2004 and former manager of the IMF, Rodrigo Rato, the film director Pedro Almodovar, actors, athletes, businessmen, etc.).

The most notorious of these operations was the arrest of former banker Mario Conde, who became an icon of social and business success in liberal and capitalist society, and has in recent times regained prominence by appearing in televised debates and presenting books recounting his life experience. Conde has been arrested for laundering money through various Spanish and foreign companies. The ex-banker would have withdrawn money, according to various judgments, appropriated by the presiding Banesto bank (about €26 million), before the case came to light. Afterwards, a patrimonial hole of 2,700 million euros in the institution was discovered. After serving a 20-year sentence for crimes of fraud and misappropriation, and being released from prison in November 2005, the Civil Guard detected that the ex-banker was introducing small amounts of money in Spain using their own financial and business infrastructure from the current economic model.

Another notable operation was the arrest of the leaders of two institutions for organizing a network of extortion. In the eyes of the public, they could represent the defenders of the citizen front’s mechanics of the establishment: Luis Pineda, president of the “Asociación de Usuarios de Servicios Bancarios” (Ausbanc) and Miguel Bernad, secretary of “Manos Limpias”. The "union" used the courts to put many people on trial for alleged corruption, from Judge Baltasar Garzon to Infanta Cristina, to bankers and offices of the PSOE in Andalusia. According to the arrest warrant, Luis Pineda devised, organized, and led a network that allegedly extorted various banks, and “strengthened the pressure against entities and intended to use economic agreements for the union “Manos Limpias”, which finances popular action against certain people”.

It seems clear that one of the most important implications of this case (or perhaps the reason why it has come to light), could be the exemption of the King's sister, Infanta Cristina de Borbon, whose unique accusation comes from “Manos Limpias”. Infanta is on trial for her involvement in the "Noos case," in which her husband, Inaki Urdangarin, former Duke consort of Palma de Mallorca, and former partner Diego Torres face charges of embezzlement, fraud, a breach of trust, forgery and, money laundering by criminal activities conducted from a non-profit foundation (Nóos) that they headed, and a corporate network of companies associated with Nóos. For now, however, the court has allowed the "union" Manos Limpias to continue to pursue the case against Infanta.

Faced with the reality of demo-liberal corruption in Spain, a direct consequence of human kind promoted by the postmodern phrase "anything goes", there is a larger counterpart, another human kind in constant growth. Also, it is the product of the current social and economic model represented by nearly three million people living with severe material deprivation (6.4% of the total population) in Spain, according to data released by Eurostat. The definition of deprivation is the inability to fulfil at least four of the following nine situations: paying a mortgage or renting a home, facing unexpected expenses, going on vacation less one week a year; a meal with chicken or fish, or a vegetarian equivalent at least every other day; home heating and a washing machine, television, telephone, or car. In absolute terms, Spain is ranked sixth among EU countries for serious material deprivation, with 2,936,000, just behind Italy (6,982,000), Romania (4,886,000), Germany (3,974,000), United Kingdom (3,904,000), and Poland (3,032,000).

Some might think that the 160 million euros that the new elections will cost could be devoted to more noble and peremptory objectives.