In Defense Of PiS
Yes, the title is provocative, but no, this is not “apology porn” for one of the most virulently anti-Russian and pro-American parties in the world. Instead, it’s a sober briefing about the mildly unfolding regime change events which are taking place in Poland nowadays. The ruling PiS party’s foreign policy is absolutely indefensible from a multipolar standpoint, as is its internal witch hunt against “Russian spies” which dramatically culminated with the arrest of Mateusz Piskorski, Poland’s highest-profile political prisoner. Submitting that PiS represents a lot of despicable ideas, it also in all objectivity stands for a few significant strains of thought which run absolutely counter to the ruling EU establishment and thus present a unique challenge for the unipolar totalitarians.
For example, PiS is against the dominance that Brussels exercises over its subordinates’ affairs and is in favor of the “Orban approach” of EU decentralization and internal reform. This is the polar opposite of what Germany and France are pursuing, and it’s likely attributable to the fact that Polish “Gray Cardinal” Jaroslaw Kaczynski is a conservative “Eurocautionary” (the author’s more palatable description for what the Mainstream Media smears as “Euroskeptics”). Moreover, PiS is a Catholic party which emphasizes religious values and their historic role in Polish society, whereas the EU elite are militant atheists. Relatedly, PiS is vehemently against the latest and most dangerous iteration of “political correctness” in the EU, which is the forced “refugee resettlement” of thousands of civilizationally dissimilar immigrants to each of the member states. In the case of Poland, these individuals would be shipped to a country which is almost completely ethnically and religiously homogenous, thus leading to near-instantaneous destabilizations on the local, regional, and perhaps even national level, ergo why the party is so strongly opposed to this measure.
In terms of the bigger picture, Poland is the largest EU country under the control of a Eurocautionary party and is thus absolutely indispensable to the millions of sympathizers in the bloc who want to see the organization progressively reform through decentralization. Without PiS-ruled Poland, the Eurocautionaries would have next to no chance of ever realistically carrying out their proposals unless Marine Le Pen was to win the Presidency in France next year. Even so, she might not have the same legal mandate as PiS does to rule however she wants, as the conservative party is the first-ever to gain a decisive parliamentary majority in post-communist Poland.
It’s for these reasons why the EU establishment and their Soros-supported NGO proxies are so adamantly against PiS and have been trying to defame and delegitimize it ever since the October 2015 parliamentary elections gave the party its historic governing majority.
They’re afraid that Poland will lead the Eurocautionaries in their quest to reform the EU and neutralize the power of the Brussels bureaucrats. It doesn’t matter to the establishment that PiS is one of the most anti-Russian and pro-American parties in the world because Washington’s “Lead From Behind” continental capos are concerned first and foremost about their own personal taxpayer-subsidized welfare and ‘legal’ supranational powers.
Take for instance Donald Tusk, the former leader of the now-opposition PO (Civic Platform) party. He’s currently the President of the European Council and is one of the most powerful figures in the EU. Tusk has been against PiS from the get-go, whether for domestic political reasons or personal ones such as the threat which they pose to his and his cronies’ EU-wide rule. However, Tusk is merely a stand-in for Merkel, as it’s been speculated that Germany is the power behind PO nowadays. These accusations have strengthened PiS’ nationalist credentials among its base and fortified the resolve of its supporters, which is why ‘regime reinforcement’ counter-Color Revolution activists came out to oppose the regime change Color Revolution ones which have been provoking this manufactured political crisis.
This brings the analysis along to touching upon some of the details of the anti-government in Poland. The latest protests aren’t so much about “press freedom” in the face of a “dictatorship” as in exploiting a decontextualized trigger event for stoking the Color Revolution. In truth, the controversial legislation wasn’t at all “against democracy” like its detractors said that it was, it just sought to limit the number of press representatives in parliament at any given time since the previously unregulated limits led to hordes of reporters harassing parliamentarians when they were going to the bathroom, for example. If journalists want to conduct interviews with government representatives, they could simply give them a call or send them an email in order to arrange this instead of physically accosting each and every official as they leave the parliamentary chambers.
For as ridiculous as the pretext has been for the latest Color Revolution provocation in Poland, it’s an indisputable fact that there appears (key word) to be quite a lot of public support for this movement. The author wrote about the deeper nuances at play here in his February 2016 article for the Russian Institute of Strategic Studies about “Polarized Poland: The Identity Crisis Goes International”. It’s unclear exactly how many Poles sincerely oppose the current government and which of them are just recruited by Soros- and German-backed “NGOs”, whether through payments or the tantalizing allure of partaking in a ‘revolution’ against a ‘dictatorship’, but either way, there is definitely a critical mass of people who are causing trouble for the ruling party. For the most part, the Poles who support PO and its incipient Color Revolution are leftist-liberals who are in love with the EU and everything that its establishment represents, while those who stand with PiS are conservative-nationalist Poles who detest that post-modernity is trampling their traditions and redefining their identity.
Like it was unequivocally stated in the introduction, there is a lot about PiS that is totally indefensible from a multipolar perspective and should openly be condemned by all patriotic Poles and well-intentioned outside observers, but at the same time, it should be understood that the situation isn’t as black and white as it’s being made out to be, whether by the unipolar-controlled Mainstream Media or some of its schadenfreude-enthused alternative counterparts. There are many reasons for casual multipolar sympathizers to not only be happy at what’s happening in Poland, but to also experience a sense of ironic glee in watching this obsessively anti-Russian country fall victim to the same sort of regime change intrigues that it aggressively supported in Ukraine three years ago. However good it may feel for some to experience these emotions, it should be recognized that they’re irrelevant to rationally understanding what’s happening and why, and if anything, could lead to inaccurate analyses about the latest events which are out of touch with reality and inadvertently incompatible with one’s own principles.
If somebody supports the emerging Multipolar World Order, then they should accept that the Eurasian zeitgeist of pragmatism suggests that maximalist solutions are rarely possible. In a contextually pertinent practice, this means that it’s extraordinarily unlikely due to historical and domestic political reasons for a party to come to power in Poland anytime soon which fully appreciates the grand strategic benefit of a pragmatic partnership with Russia. While by no means arguing that PiS is the “best that Poland can get” in these regards (which it’s definitely not), one should acknowledge that Kaczynski’s party is poised to be remarkably effective in positioning Poland as the leader of the Eurocautionaries’ pan-EU reform project, which could ultimately be highly beneficial to the multipolar objective of weakening Brussels’ brutal grip over the bloc.
As of now, it’s the American-controlled EU bureaucrats which have forced their anti-Russian platforms to become the political-legal norm all across the continent (as evidenced by the sanctions, for example), and a devolution of power from Brussels back to the constituent members’ capital cities could open up a wide range of exciting strategic opportunities for Russia, China, and other leading multipolar countries.
There’s no clear indication of what a reformed EU might look like in the geopolitical sense, but it could possibly take on the contours that the author described and mapped out in his Duran article about the “Post-Brexit EU: Between Regional Breakdown And Full-Blown Dictatorship”. No matter what happens, it’s extremely unlikely that Poland will retreat from its radical pro-American and anti-Russian foreign policies, which is something that multipolar supporters shouldn’t falsely get their hopes up about. In a positive sense, however, PiS’ anti-Brussels ideology could one day spell doom for the EU as it’s presently configured, provided of course that the party isn’t deposed by the pro-German and Soros-backed Color Revolution against it. It’s argued in the abovementioned article and the one referenced before from the Russian Institute of Strategic Studies that the US stands to strategically gain from either pair of scenarios – whether PiS remains in power or is replaced by PO, and whether the EU retains its current form or is dramatically altered – but what’s crucially important to comprehend is that Russia and its multipolar partners would benefit the most if the Color Revolution is crushed and PiS succeeds in reforming the EU.